"The right thing to do with Herzl is not to look for embarrassing quotes, although that is permissible, but instead to take his two most important books, 'The Jewish State' and 'Altneuland,' and see in them a sincere response to Herzl's conception. In 'The Jewish State', he explains the problem of Jews who do not want to assimilate or be German or American members of the Mosaic religion, and in 'Altneuland,' e describes the establishment of the Jewish state, which would be established with accelerated technological development, and would be a place of private initiative without trampling on social values."
Starting in the 1960s, historians such as Fritz Fischer and Hans-Ulrich Wehler argued that, unlike France and Britain, Germany had experienced only "partial modernization", in which industrialization was not followed by changes in the political and social spheres, which in the opinion of Fischer and Wehler continued to be dominated by a "pre-modern" aristocratic elite.  In the opinion of the proponents of the Sonderweg thesis, the crucial turning point was the Revolution of 1848 , when German liberals failed to seize power and consequently either emigrated or chose to resign themselves to being ruled by a reactionary elite, living in a society that taught its children obedience, glorification of militarism , and pride in a very complex notion of German culture. During the latter half of the Second Reich, from about 1890 to 1918, this pride, they argued, developed into hubris . Since 1950, historians such as Fischer, Wehler, and Hans Mommsen have drawn a harsh indictment of the German elite of the period 1870–1945, who were accused of promoting authoritarian values during the Second Reich, being solely responsible for launching World War I , sabotaging the democratic Weimar Republic, and aiding and abetting the Nazi dictatorship in internal repression, war, and genocide. In the view of Wehler, Fischer, and their supporters, only the German defeat in 1945 put an end to the “premodern” social structure which had led to and then sustained traditional German authoritarianism and its more radical variant, National Socialism. Wehler has asserted that the effects of the traditional power elite in maintaining power up to 1945 "and in many respects even beyond that" took the form of: